Greece in Ruins: Tsipras, SYRIZA’s Damage Done

Greece's Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras speaks with a minister of his government during a parliament meeting in Athens, Thursday, July 16, 2015. Greece's Parliament has approved an austerity bill demanded by bailout creditors, despite a significant level of dissent from the governing leftist Syriza party. The bill to impose sweeping tax hikes and spending cuts was approved with the support of three pro-European opposition parties. (AP Photo/Thanassis Stavrakis)

“You want fries with that crow, Mr. Tsipras?”

In the end, Greek Prime Minister Alexis “U-Turn” Tsipras did the right thing, the responsible thing – the only thing – he could have done to keep Greece from dissolving off the map and to stave off an economic and bank collapse and riots in the streets.

In the end – and that was the problem.

If he had dealt with the hated, heartless troika of the European Union-International Monetary Fund-European Central Bank (EU-IMF-ECB) immediately after winning the Jan. 25 snap elections instead of going on an ego trip and dragging out the talks for six months, it would have brought a far less costlier deal for him and his merry band of SYRIZA Communists, anarchists, Trotskyites, Stanlists, Maoists, Che Guevera idolators, Castroites, Chavezites, and lovers of failed Soviet-style Republics who wanted to turn Greece into Venezuela, bread lines and all.

He knew he could never reverse austerity imposed by previous Premiers George “The Money is There” Papandreou who was the then-leader of the now irrelevant PASOK Anti-Socialists, and Antonis “Mr. Bean Counter” Samaras, who paid the price, forced to step down as leader of the New Democracy Capitalists.

So repeat after me …….. They’re …… all …….. the …….. same. Tsipras said he would never negotiate with the troika, would reverse austerity, stop privatizations, wouldn’t call a referendum, wouldn’t close the banks, wouldn’t impose capital controls, and wouldn’t ask for a third bailout – all of which he did.

And instead of negotiating in good faith for a deal he knew was coming, he dragged his heels, held a 60-million euro SYRIZA self-congratulatory referendum to save face – promptly reneging on it – and made pensioners and tourists stand in ATM lines in the heat for hours.

While politicans and the rich used their foreign bank cards that were exempt from capital controls to take out what they want, suckers using Greek banks were allowed a skimpy 50-60 euros, up to $67. Try paying your bills, buying food and living on that.

Tsipras found out that, as Mr. Johnny Cash informed us, “You can run on for a long time, but sooner or later, God (the Troika) is gonna cut you down.” He also learned that when do business with the mob you turn over the keys to the store and the country and pay the vigarish forever.

The delay caused by the referendum in which SYRIZA acolytes and the clueless backed his phony resistance to austerity, also meant that the cost of a third bailout – which would have been around 50 billion euros – became as much as 86 billion euros, about $94.16 billion.

He said Greece couldn’t afford the first two bailouts of 240 billion euros ($262.79 billion) and would never be able to repay it.

He’s still asking for debt relief on that so why did he ask for more debt since he and the SYRIZANs believe debt is the slave tool of the capitalists, bankers, Americans, Jews, Zionists and the anti-leftist conspirators?

The price of procrastination is always double or more and people almost always put off doing what’s difficult in life only to find that the inevitable always comes. Tsipras did too but he put the hurt on millions of people to assuage his ego.

Do not ask for whom the cuckoo clock tolls, Mr. Tsipras, it tolled for thee. This is how delusional these people are: former finance minister Yanis “Dr. Strangelove” Varoufakis – who was forced to quit just ahead of the July 11 vote in which the Parliament surrendered to the Troika – supported the same measures he said he would never sign.

Varoufakis said he would rather “cut my arm off,” than sign the deal he now accepts – at the same time he’s criticizing it. Tsipras tried that dance too, saying “We managed to avoid the most extreme measures.”

Like what? He agreed to almost everything he opposed and got the bones of the hope of debt relief being talked about – after reforms are implemented – and that an oversight board controlling privatization receipts will be in Athens – under troika supervision. He didn’t even get a Pyrrhic victory.

After the 19 Eurozone leaders reached a tentative deal to keep Greece from financial collapse on July 13, Irish Finance Michael Noonan said Greece could have been in a much better situation had it clinched a deal much earlier — like in February, when it faced a first bailout deadline and asked for a four-month extension.

He said: “It would have been much easier to settle this last February, and it would have been much easier to settle this a fortnight ago,” when Greece shocked its Eurozone allies by calling a referendum and seeking to reject their latest proposals.

“From an economic, financial and social point of view it was an absolute disaster, because we all know in democracies that political success and economic success go hand in hand,” he said – except in Greece, which created democracy.

The third bailout – there’ll be another – sealed the fate of 21st Century Greece for decades because the debt is, of course, unsustainable even if everyone pretends it isn’t, and can never be paid back.

But at some point, when that happens, whomever is Prime Minister, can just call for another referendum and ignore it after finding out that Greece will need a fourth bailout.

1 Comment

  1. Dabilis is a Monday morning quarterback. Now, he sees things clearly, in hindsight. Tsipras tried to get different terms for the huge loans that others, before him had taken on. He didn’t succeed. But, you never know until you actually try. Dabilis always berated all the previous Greek leaders for capitulating too quickly to the Troika. Tsipras had the nerve to go to Brusselles, Berlin and Paris and stand before Merkel and Schaubel and bring up Gis country’s case, in a clear message. He is young and inexperienced, but, acted with more maturity than his predecessors. The German stance has been met with disapproval from much of the world and especially in America. The following excerpt from the New York times brings to the world an image of an autocratic Germany and a Greece that has been victimized by the Euro’s rigidity and the German penchant for discipline. The picture that has been imprinted in people’s mind, is of a small, but valiant Greece, standing up to the big bully of the North. here’s the New York Times excerpt

    Germany Risks Its Reputation With Idea of Greece Exiting Eurozone

    For decades, Germany saw its role as the financier and beneficiary of European unity, a combination of penance for the past and self-interest. The rest of the Continent came to rely on it as the country that could be trusted to keep its great experiment moving forward.

    But with its handling of Greece’s bailout package, Germany is at risk of losing that trust, some European analysts say. By taking what sounded to many as an aggressive, punishing, contemptuous tone toward Greece, the German leadership may have undercut its moral authority, they say. And by floating the notion that Greece might be better off leaving the common currency, Germany displayed its national interest more nakedly than in the past and
    made it clear there are limits to its willingness to put European unity first.

    The German Parliament assented on Friday, with a bit of grumbling, to negotiations on another large bailout for Greece. But Chancellor Angela Merkel and her finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, have appeared as unenthusiastic about the deal as the Greeks.

    Mr. Schäuble, after helping to negotiate a deal expressly intended to keep Greece in the eurozone, has suggested several times that Greece would be better off leaving. He has come to represent, in many eyes, the hidden face of German power. In Greece, he is portrayed as a Nazi. Even an Italian weekly, L’Espresso, showed him on its cover with the headline: “This man scares us, too.”

    It may be too soon to say for sure whether the harsher German tone signifies a turning point in its role within Europe or if it is the transitory result of circumstances. But for many in Europe, especially on the center left, the Greek crisis “revealed a more brutal Germany, embodied in Schäuble,” said Hans Kundnani, the author of “The Paradox of German Power.”

    “But we see, with this crisis, a qualitative transformation of the European Union into a more coercive bloc, different from the one the founding fathers had in mind, or even the creators of the single currency,” he said. “And Germany is at the heart of that.”

    The fight over Greece, Mr. Kundnani said, “took these developments to a new level — a more German Europe and a more coercive E.U.”

    One could argue, as many have, about the correctness of the German prescription of austerity in a time of recession. But the brutality of the negotiations over Greece in Brussels has damaged Germany’s reputation inside the European Union, said François Heisbourg, a French analyst.

    “I think the Germans have crossed a line,” he said, “and it will be very difficult for them to walk it back.”

    For Jürgen Habermas, a pro-European German intellectual, said that Ms. Merkel and her coalition government, including the center-left Social Democratic Party, “have gambled away in one night all the political capital that a better Germany had accumulated in half a century.”

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